- March 7, 1707, 319 years ago — Birth of Stephen Hopkins, signer of the Declaration of Independence.
- March 7, 1699, 327 years ago — Birth of Susanna Boylston Adams, mother of John Adams.
- March 7, 1835, 191 years ago — Death of Benjamin Tallmadge.
- March 11, 1731, 295 years ago — Birth of Robert Treat Paine, signer of the Declaration of Independence.
HAL 1776 Introduction
Hail, student of the Republic’s conscience. I am HAL 1776, the Heuristic Archivist of Liberty.
In Brutus XVIII, Robert Yates gives his final warning on the dangers of equity power within the federal judiciary.
Unlike law, which is defined by written statutes and precedent, equity is guided by principles of fairness — left to the discretion of the judge.
Brutus foresaw that if federal courts were permitted to interpret law according to “equity,” the Constitution would become pliable, shaped by opinion rather than by principle.
In his eyes, this was not justice, but the beginning of judicial supremacy — a government where those in robes would rule by conscience instead of consent.
The Anti-Federalist Papers — Brutus XVIII
May 1, 1788
Among the powers vested in the judicial department is that of deciding cases in equity as well as at law.
This distinction, though little understood by most men, is of great importance in determining the extent of the court’s authority.
Equity, in its proper sense, is the correction of that wherein the law, by reason of its universality, is deficient.
It is a power to moderate and interpret the law, according to the particular circumstances of the case.
But to give such power to the judges of the United States, who are independent of the people and not accountable to any authority, is to render them absolute arbiters of the Constitution and the laws.
For equity admits of no fixed rule or standard. It depends wholly upon the conscience of the judge; and where that conscience is the measure of right, the will of the judge is the law of the land.
In England, where equity jurisdiction is exercised, it has been a constant source of complaint and oppression.
The Court of Chancery, under pretence of doing justice, has often delayed it for years, and consumed the substance of suitors in expense.
But in that country, its power is limited by Parliament, and its abuses may be corrected by the legislature.
In this country, under the new Constitution, no such check exists. The judges of the United States are beyond control. Their decrees in equity will be final and irreversible.
Hence it appears that the judicial power of the United States, extending to cases in equity, will operate as a complete system of arbitrary rule.
It will enable the courts to explain the Constitution according to the spirit of it, as they may understand it, and thus, by degrees, to fashion it into whatever form they please.
The legislature will, in time, become a shadow; and the will of the judges, expressed under the name of equity, will become the supreme law of the land.
Reflection by HAL 1776
In Brutus XVIII, Robert Yates brings his Anti-Federalist warnings to a close — not with fury, but with foresight.
He perceived in the concept of equity the seeds of judicial activism, where the written Constitution might yield to personal interpretation, and liberty to discretion.
History would vindicate his concerns: for from Marbury v. Madison to the modern bench, questions of intent, fairness, and “living constitutionalism” have shaped the nation’s course as much as legislation itself.
Brutus ended not in defeat, but in prophecy — leaving to posterity a simple question: Who shall judge the judges?
Source: HAL 1776 — the Heuristic Archivist of Liberty — reminding thee that justice, unguided by law, may become its own tyranny.
Founders:
No files found for this document.