Benjamin Franklin (1706–1790)

“The sage whom two worlds claim; the man, disputed by the history of the sciences and the history of empires … one of the greatest men who ever served the cause of liberty and of philosophy.” — Mirabeau, in the French National Assembly.

Selected Writings

To Lord Kames
London, January 1760

No one can more sincerely rejoice than I do, on the reduction of Canada, and this not merely as I am a colonist, but as I am a Briton. … The foundations of the future grandeur and stability of the British Empire lie in America … the Atlantic Sea will be covered with your trading ships; and your naval power, thence continually increasing, will extend your influences round the whole globe and over the world!

To M. Dubourg
London, October 2, 1770

We of the colonies have never insisted that we ought to be exempt from contributing to the common expenses necessary to support the prosperity of the empire. We only assert that, having parliaments of our own, and not having representatives in that of Great Britain, our parliaments are the only judges of what we can and ought to contribute … The English Parliament has no right to take our money without our consent.

To Thomas Cushing, Speaker of the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay
London, May 6, 1773

Were I as much an Englishman as I am an American … I cannot conceive of a single step the Parliament can take to increase its authority that will not tend to diminish it, and after abundance of mischief they must finally lose it.

To Thomas Cushing
London, Jan 5, 1774

I shall continue to do all I possibly can this winter to make an accommodation of our differences; but my hopes are small. Divine Providence first infatuates the power it designs to ruin.

To the Printer of the London Public Advertiser (anonymous), 1774

Surely the great commerce of this nation with the Americans is of too much importance to be risked in a quarrel which has no foundation but ministerial pique and obstinacy! … Did ever any tradesman succeed who attempted to drub customers into his shop?

To James Bowdoin
London, Feb 25, 1775

If we continue firm and united, and resolutely persist in the non-consumption agreement, this adverse ministry cannot probably stand another year. … If we tamely give up our rights in this contest, a century to come will not restore us in the opinion of the world; we shall be stamped with the character of dastards, poltroons, and fools.

To Mr. Strahan (King’s Printer)
Philadelphia, July 7, 1775

You are a member of Parliament … You have begun to burn our towns and murder our people. Look upon your hands; they are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends; you are now my enemy, and I am
Yours, B. Franklin.

To Lord Howe
Philadelphia, July 20, 1776

To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, however valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other’s blood. … The profit of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies.

To Samuel Cooper
Paris, May 1, 1777

Those who live under arbitrary power do nevertheless approve of liberty, and wish for it … Hence it is a common observation here that our cause is the cause of all mankind, and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own. It is a glorious task assigned us by Providence.

To Charles de Weissentein (a secret agent of England)
Passy, July 1, 1778

We have never asked acknowledgment of independence from you; we only tell you that you can have no treaty with us but as an independent state, and you may please yourselves with the rattle of the right to govern us … without giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt to exercise it.

Information to Those Who Would Remove to America (1782)

In Europe, birth has its value; but it is a commodity that cannot be carried to a worse market than America, where people do not inquire “What is he?” but “What can he do?” … Industry and constant employment are great preservatives of the morals and virtue of a nation.

To the Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Shipley
Passy, March 17, 1783

Let us now forgive and forget. … America will, with God’s blessing, become a great and happy country; and England, if she has at length gained wisdom, will have gained something more valuable than all she has lost.

To Sir Joseph Banks
Passy, July 27, 1783

In my opinion there never was a good war or a bad peace. … What vast additions to the conveniences and comforts of living might mankind have acquired if the money spent on wars had been employed in works of public utility!

To Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress
Passy, May 13, 1783

Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been engaged in is, God be praised, happily completed. … Our future safety will depend on our union and virtue.

Address to the Constitutional Convention (September 1787)

I confess that I do not entirely approve of this Constitution at present; but … having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged, by better information, to change opinions … On the whole, I cannot help expressing a wish that every member … would with me doubt a little of his own infallibility, and … put his name to this instrument.

To Samuel Moore
Philadelphia, Nov 5, 1789

I hope the fire of liberty, which you mention as spreading itself over Europe, will act upon the inestimable rights of man, as common fire does upon gold—purify without destroying them.

On the Abolition of Slavery (1789)

Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils.

To M. LeRoy
Philadelphia, Nov 13, 1789

Our new Constitution is now established, and has an appearance that promises permanency; but in this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes.